Why Netaji left India, how that hastened freedom and despite official denial and secrecy?
Subhash Chandra Bose defeated the candidate of Gandhiji to become the President of the Congress again. Not for long. He (and not the British this time) faced a non-cooperation movement under the leadership of Gandhiji himself and was subsequently ousted. Tagore wrote to Gandhi against it, but to no avail.
There was no national movement under Gandhi after the Gandhi-Irwin Pact 1931, except the Quit India Movement 1942, till the transfer of power and partition of the country in 1947.
In 1939, months before the World War II started, Subhash foresaw that another international calamity was brewing. Subhash was insistent that the Congress needed to utilize the opportunity provided by it, because such an opportunity was not going to come again in near future. He was insistent that a “non-stop” (not to be withdraw) non-cooperation movement be organized nation-wide. He had the support of youths and students, and for the time being, of the left. He expected the Left-leaning Nehru to get over the rightist politics of the Gandhian section.
Patel, Rajendra Prasad, and other rightist leaders apparently held Gandhian views. But Nehru, and later the Left, sought in Gandhi the indispensable support that each of them needed to have a good political standing, even though each of them upheld very different political views. And Gandhi was adamant that there should be no movement and that the nation had first to prepare itself for Ahimsa and discipline by spinning the Charkha. The “personality cult” around him was at its peak. Nobody except Subhash dared to oppose him. So Gandhi and his supporters sought to oust him. Nehru remained a silent spectator.
Finally, Subhash came down and sought his cooperation in forming the Working Committee, because almost all the leaders were with Gandhi and, therefore, now against him. Gandhi refused and thus forced him to resign. Then they suspended him from the Congress for six years for indiscipline.
But the British knew he was the only dangerous man and lost no opportunity to put him in jail.
Subhash tried his best to unite the leftist forces and formed the Forward Block with different Leftist parties, but they left him high and dry soon, one by one, for small political gains. (See Kabul Thesis of SC Bose, 1941)
So, ultimately, he saw no other way to utilize the opportunity of WWII except going out of the country and seeking foreign help. The situation compelled him, but it is also true that he strongly held, always, that non-violence could be political weapon to embarrass the rulers and organize the masses, but it would ever prove to be ineffective as the final instrument of liberation. And an armed revolution inside India was an impossibility, especially at that time. So, he had to strike from outside, and Destiny took him out of India.
He knew the risk, but he was ready to lay down his life. He was all the while maintaining good relationship with both Germany-Italy-Japan Axis and the Communist USSR, the enemies of the enemy. First, he tried Moscow, which would not take the risk of irking the British-US Allied Powers and so turned down his request. He had no other way but to knock the doors of Hitler.
In Germany he got only lukewarm support, for Hitler looked down on Indians and preferred the British to rule over India. However, a few officials in the foreign of Nazi Germany, some of whom were later executed for plotting against Hitler, appreciated the cause of India’s liberation and had faith in Netaji’s leadership. So they helped him in all possible ways. But Netaji never showed any servile support to Hitler. Rather his bold words to Hitler were avoided by the interpreter.
He foresaw the fall of Germany as soon as Hitler invaded USSR started planning to leave for the South-East Asia. There he got full support from the Japanese Supremo, General Tojo, and instantly won the hearts of the millions of Indians living there. Thus the INA got a new lease of life.
The story of the immense organization of the Provisional Government of Free India and the valiant fight of their soldiers, who died in thousands and won on many fronts, have been buried at an obscure corner of the Red Fort. Yet, it was the effect of that very story, which reached the people of India and particularly the armed forces of British India, during the INA trials. It led to many rebellions in the armed forces and finally to the Naval Mutiny of 1946. The British knew their time had come. The then British Prime Minister, Sir Clement Atlee, later confirmed the main factor that hastened the liberation of India: “Netaji and his INA.” When asked about the impact of Gandhiji in this process, he said, “M-i-n-i-m-a-l.” (RC Majumder).
However, our leaders told the next generations a different story. Except Dr BR Ambedkar, who, in an interview with the BBC, observed that the INA could be the reason behind the sudden and hasty transfer of power by the British.
The disappearance of Netaji has been a mystery ever since. The successive governments of India have showed no interest in unearthing the truth. They have always said, the secret documents cannot be declassified even now, as it would hamper our relationship with a foreign power and cause internal disturbance. The Justice Manoj Mukhopadhyay Commission and Taiwan government –both rejected the plane crash theory, but the UPA government rejected the painstakingly made report without caring to show any reason. The previous and present NDA governments have also have followed the same line more or less.
The saga of heroes alone can invigorate a nation, not political machinations and negotiations. The sooner we realize this, the better. However much the official history may try to bury the history of sagacity, suffering, and sacrifice, it still makes its “inevitable appeal” to the youths of India, even though its reach is still restricted. I believe the fire will spread, and it is only a matter of time. Truth will triumph in the long run.
Vande Mataram!
